Aurel RUSTOIU – Sándor BERECKI, Celtic Elites and Craftsmen: Mobility and Technological Transfer during the Late Iron Age in the Eastern and South-Eastern Carpathian Basin. IN: S. Berecki (ed.), Iron Age Crafts and Craftsmen in the Carpathian Basin, Tg. Mureş 2014, p. 249-278.

Aurel Rustoiu

This article aims to discuss the ways in which the funerary inventories of the 4 th-3 rd centuries BC from the eastern Carpathian Basin, which include tools and utensils used by craftsmen, illustrate their professional identity. In rural societies of the 4 th-3 rd centuries BC from the Carpathian Basin, the social competition can be observed within the funerary domain by analysing the internal organization of the cemeteries in groups of graves. These groups more likely reflect the social organization of local communities in families or clans. The funerary inventories sometimes include panoplies of weapons and other times only sets of female jewellery and costume accessories indicating a specific social and gender identity. In this context, one question concerns the role of tools and utensils used in craftsmanship which were included in funerary inventories. From the archaeological perspective, the social and professional identity of the craftsmen from the eastern Carpathian Basin can be sometimes observed in the funerary inventories during the 4 th-3 rd centuries BC. When the social role of the craftsmen was perceived as important by the community, the descendants aimed to express that in a public manner, by placing tools specific to the respective craft in their grave. In other situations, the craftsmen's identity was ritually expressed through the votive offering of assemblages containing objects specific to their activity. Lastly, the presence of some traces of manufacturing activities in certain contexts can be related to the practising of magical rituals.

The aim of this paper is to unveil the organization of melting and casting activities within Bronze Age tell settlements in the Carpathian Basin using the available archaeological evidence. The suggested reconstruction rests on both past and current theoretical models detailing on the organization of craft production. For this purpose, both older and more recent trends in craft production studies in archaeology will be briefly presented in the first part of the article. Following this overview, opinions regarding the organization and nature of metalworking within Bronze Age Europe as well as the role of the smith will also be briefly outlined, as these have also been taken into consideration when interpreting the obtained results. Beginning with the study of the archaeologically visible steps of its chaîne opératoire, the craft of metalworking within tell sites will then be analysed. Examining the story as told by the archaeological record, an attempt will be made to reconstruct the way metal production was organized within Bronze Age tell settlements in the Carpathian Basin.

Key-words: Celtic craftsmanship - Lost wax casting – Slush casting method - Celtic warrior élite burial –La Tène shield – ornamented weapons – Plastic Style –Copper alloys – Gas- Chromatography - Mass Spectrometry (GC-MS) - Mineralized wood and textiles.

Iron Age Crafts and Craftsmen in the Carpathian Basin PrOCEEdIngS Of ThE InTErnaTIOnal COllOquIuM frOM Târgu MurEş 10–13 October 2013 Edited by Sándor BErECkI Editura MEga Târgu Mureş 2014 Contents J. Vincent S. MEGAW Preface. Proceedings of the Sixth International Colloquium held at Târgu Mureş 7 Nathalie GiNoux–Dominique Robcis–Manuel LeRoux–Florence DusseRe Metal Crat and Warrior Elites in the hird Century BC: New Sights from the Carpathian Basin to Gaul 9 Tiberius bADeR Nachbau des Wagens aus dem Fürstengrab von Hochdorf, Deutschland 19 Marcin RuDNicki Nowa Cerekwia. A Celtic Centre for Crat and Commerce of Interregional Importance North of the Carpathians 33 Peter c. RAMsL La Tène Period Cratsmanship in Eastern Austria 71 ivan DRNić–Ana FRANjić pXRF Analysis of South Pannonian Late Iron Age Silver Artefacts 83 Marko DizDAR Bronze Fibulae with Enamel Inlay from Scordiscan Sites 97 csilla GáTi On the Crossroads of Cultures. Cultural and Trade Connections of the Site of Szajk in South Transdanubia in the Sixth–Fourth Centuries BC 115 zoltán czAjLik Traces of Prehistoric Smelting Workshops in the Carpathian Basin 139 károly TANkÓ Traces of Iron Smelting in La Tène Iron Age Settlement at Ménfőcsanak 147 Attila, HoRváTH M. A Decorated La Tène Sword from the Budapest–Csepel Island 161 katalin ALMássy–Horea PoP Remains of a Pottery Workshop (?) from the Upper Tisza Region 171 Martin FuRMAN A Central European Form of La Tène Ornament: Rings with hree and Four Large Hollow Knobs from Slovakia 183 Gertrúda březiNová La Tène Bone and Antler Artefacts from Nitra 191 jános NéMeTi Pottery Production during the Late Iron Age in North-Western Romania 199 Horea PoP he Metal Smiths’ Settlement at Şimleu Silvaniei–Uliul cel Mic 209 corneliu beLDiMAN–Dan Lucian vAiDA–Diana-Maria szTANcs–carmen PAveL–Florin coNsTANTiN Composite Artefact Discovered in the Celtic Cemetery of Fântânele–La Gâţa (Bistriţa-Năsăud County). Data on Use-Wear Analysis and X-Ray Computed Tomography 217 Mariana eGRi Desirable Goods in the Late Iron Age – he Cratsman’s Perspective 233 Aurel RusToiu–sándor beRecki Celtic Elites and Cratsmen: Mobility and Technological Transfer during the Late Iron Age in the Eastern and South-Eastern Carpathian Basin 249 iosif vasile FeReNcz–Dan Lucian vAiDA Cratsmanship and Crats in the Transylvanian Celtic Horizon 279 Marija LjušTiNA–Miloš sPAsić Scordiscan Potters in Action: A Late Iron Age Pottery Kiln from Karaburma 287 vojislav FiLiPović–Milica TAPAvički-iLić Cratsmen in the Celtic Cemetery of Karaburma, Belgrade 297 Andreea DRăGAN Production and Circulation of La Tène Painted Pottery North of the Lower Danube 301 jan bouzek Hook, Lock, Furnace Rake or a Damaged Sickle for Harvesting Olives? 319 ABBREVIATIONS 325 Celtic Elites and Craftsmen: Mobility and Technological Transfer during the Late Iron Age in the Eastern and South-Eastern Carpathian Basin* Aurel RUSTOIU–Sándor BERECkI Institute of Archaeology and History of Art Cluj-Napoca, Romania aurelrustoiu@yahoo.com Mureş County Museum Târgu Mureş, Romania sberecki@yahoo.com Keywords: Celtic elites, cratsmen, jewellery, loop-in-loop sword-chains, technology In the second half of the fourth century and at the beginning of the third century BC large territories from the eastern and southern Carpathian Basin were colonized in successive phases by diferent Celtic groups. he Celtic colonization of the Carpathian Basin subsequently contributed to the appearance of some complex social networks incorporating diferent communities, and in which the elites of certain populations from the northern Balkans were also involved (see Rustoiu 2012 with previous bibliography). hese relationships established between diferent communities allowed the development of several cultural exchanges which are sometimes archaeologically visible, although many others cannot be directly seen in archaeological evidence. Amongst the latter are the so-called ‘intellectual products’ – practices, ideologies, technologies, beliefs, etc., which circulated from one community to another. Many artisans, especially jewellers, had an important role in these transfers of ideas and practices. herefore, this article is going to discuss the role of hracian, Illyrian and Mediterranean cratsmen in the dissemination of some models and technologies from the northern Balkans into the La Tène areas of the Carpathian Basin. At the same time, our analysis will take into consideration a series of problems regarding the concrete mechanisms through which various technologies and products circulated from one place to another. Amongst these mechanisms can be listed the relationship between the artisans and those who ordered the goods (the elites), and the temporal and spatial mobility of the specialists. hus the article will focus on a series of relevant archaeological contexts and artefacts discovered in the eastern and south-eastern Carpathian Basin and in the northern Balkans. Some questions of interpretation have to be taken into consideration when discussing the role of local or foreign cratsmen, regardless of their origin (hracian, Illyrian, Macedonian or Greek). First, the new communities resulting from the cohabitation of the colonists with the local populations generated many hybrid cultural features and practices. One example is the appearance of some new costumes * his work was supported by a grant of the Romanian Ministry of Education, CNCS – UEFISCDI, project number PN-II-RU-PD-2012-3-0316. Iron Age Crats and Cratsmen in the Carpathian Basin, 2014, p. 249–286 250 | A. Rustoiu–S. Berecki combining indigenous and La Tène elements. As a consequence, the cratsmen were compelled to know and use technologies that allowed them to produce elements incorporated into such hybrid costume assemblages and bodily ornaments. Secondly, both the local and the foreign specialists were frequently connected with, or subordinated to, the communities’ elites and leaders. he latter were the main customers for luxury goods and the same people who imposed fashion trends, symbolic meanings or functional characteristics of both the decorative and the utilitarian objects. hirdly, metal smiths, and in general the artisans, were highly mobile in time and space. he cratsmen used to hand down technologies and speciic knowledge from one generation to another within their own families or crat-related groups. his practice may explain the perpetuation of some types of artefacts and speciic techniques through time. At the same time, the spatial mobility of the cratsmen was commonly determined by the need to ind new customers, who were interested in their trade, were able to pay and to provide the required raw materials, and were perhaps also able to ofer protection in certain cases. he cratsmen’s mobility and their relation with elite customers are also mentioned in some literary texts, although the ancient authors were not necessarily the most impartial or reliable source of information. For example, Pliny the Elder (Nat. Hist. 12. 5), evoking an old Roman story regarding the Celtic invasion of Italy at the beginning of the fourth century BC, mentions the famous blacksmith Helico of the Helvetii, who worked for a while in Rome and then returned home, bringing dates, grapes, wine and olive oil which captured the taste and imagination of his trans-Alpine compatriots, making them to lock to Italy. Although Helico is more likely an imaginary character, the story itself attests the fact that the activity of foreign cratsmen in diferent cultural environments was common, especially during the lifetime of Pliny the Elder. Another example illustrating the relations between cratsmen and elite customers can be found in a passage from Phylarchus, cited by Athenaeus (Deipnosophistae IV. 34). he Greek historian mentions that Ariamnes, ‘an extremely rich Galatian’ from Asia Minor, once announced that he intended to organize a huge feast for 400 participants at his own expense. Since the feast required an outstanding quantity of cooked meat, Ariamnes had to order a large number of iron cauldrons a year in advance, and had to also look to other ‘cities’, besides his own lands, for numerous skilled cratsmen able to make them. Aside from these literary accounts, the cratsmen’s mobility can be also noted sometimes in particular archaeological contexts. hus the following discussion will take into consideration the archaeological evidence from the Carpathian Basin regarding these aspects. he spatial mobility of the cratsmen. Archaeological evidence Cremation grave no. 34 from Fântânele–Dâmbu Popii, dated to the LT B2 (Rustoiu 2008, 121–123, ig. 59; Rustoiu 2009, 10–11), presents evidence which argues for the mobility of the cratsmen (Pl. 1). he funerary inventory contains, aside from an iron hammer, a hand-made ceramic lamp (Fig. 1/1; Pl. 1/4). his artefact imitates the Greek prototype (Rustoiu–Egri 2010a; 2010b) of a wheel-thrown open lamp (Fig. 1/2–3). Lamps of this type were found in the Pontic area, both in the Greek cities and in indigenous settlements (Fig. 1/4) (Dupont 2005, 77, ig. 3j; Hannestad 2007, 142, ig. 4; Højte 2010, 436, no. O–105, pl. 326). However, apart from the lamp found in the burial from Fântânele, similar lamps or any other form resembling Mediterranean prototypes are absent from the Carpathian Basin during this period. he use of this kind of device required a certain degree of familiarisation with a particular form of artiicial lighting, which could not be acquired within the local community, but in an area in which such objects were commonly used. hus, the presence of this lamp in the grave alongside the iron hammer, a tool which was relevant for the role of the deceased within the local community, suggests that this slightly ‘exotic’ object was also perceived as an integral part of his identity. Due to these elements, it might be presumed that the cratsman who met his end in the Fântânele community either came from the outside of the Carpathians, more likely from the east of the mountains, or he was a local who worked there for a while. Celtic Elites and Cratsmen: Mobility and Technological Transfer during the Late Iron Age | 251 Fig. 1. 1. Lamp from the grave no. 34 at Fântânele–Dâmbu Popii; 2. Original Greek lamp from Stelnica (ater Teleagă 2008); 3. Original Greek lamp from Seuthopolis (ater Čičikova 1984); 4. Imitation of Greek lamp from Olbia (ater Højte 2010). Another example of spatial mobility, concerning a jeweller who came from the Pontic region to the inner Carpathian area in a later period, is provided by a discovery from eastern Transylvania. In this case, a ceramic mould for manufacturing amphora-shaped pendants (Fig. 2/1) was found in a house uncovered in the rural settlement at Angheluş, Covasna County (Székely 1976, 232–233, ig. 3/1; Crişan 2000, 20, no. 7B, 134, pl. 73/4, who erroneously mentions that the mould is made of stone). he inventory of the house also contains fragments of hand-made and wheel-thrown vessels, as well as a clay igurine (Fig. 2/2) (Székely 1976, 233, ig. 3/3; in the caption the author lists erroneously the ind-spot as Poian, the latter being illustrated in ig. 3/2, see the correct identiication in Crişan 2000, pl. 125/1). he context was initially dated to the third–second century BC, but the recent analysis of the pottery indicates that the house can be dated to the irst century BC–irst century AD (the Fig. 2. Angheluş. 1. Ceramic mould used in the artefacts have been analysed by S. Berecki in manufacturing of amphora-shaped pendants (photo: S.the Museum of Sf. Gheorghe; Crişan 2000, 20 J. Sztáncsuj); 2. Clay igurine (ater Crişan 2000). also noted the presence of some ceramic fragments belonging to the same date). Other more-or-less similar moulds, made of sandstone, clay, or amphora fragments were found in some Greek Pontic cities, for example at Histria, Olbia and Phanagoreia (Coja 1962, 134–135, ig. 12/3b; Kołkówna 1978, 69–72, ig. 34–35, 46; Krutilov 2010, 474, no. Rb-6, pl. 357). hese were dated to the Hellenistic period and the beginning of the Roman imperial times. he amphora-shaped pendants made of gold or silver, cast in moulds or modelled using other techniques, became popular in the middle and late Hellenistic period, being used as decorative elements of some necklaces and earrings (Higgins 1980, 163; Treister 2004, 459–460). Amongst these ornaments can be listed a pair of gold earrings discovered in the cemetery from Messambria, dated to the third century BC (Gălăbov 1955, 141, ig. 15; L’OR 2003, 204–205, no. 308f), an earring from the cemetery at Anchialo (Tonkova 1997, 92, pl. 6/1) and another from Kalymnos, dated to the second–irst centuries BC (Higgins 1980, pl. 48/C), as well as the 252 | A. Rustoiu–S. Berecki necklace from Olbia, dated to the same period (Treister 2004, ig. 5). he mould from Angheluş points to the presence of an artisan who had came in eastern Transylvania from a Pontic city in a period which follows the conquest of the western shores of the Black Sea by Burebista, and during which the Dacian Kingdom attracted many Greek cratsmen. Amongst the latter can be listed the architects and masons who contributed to the construction of several fortresses and other structures in the Orăştie Mountains using limestone blocks. Furthermore, a series of discoveries from Moldavia points to some connections across the Carpathians related to metallurgical activities. For example, a small deposit containing 19 lattened iron bars (Teodor 1983 identiied them as plough coulters; Babeş 1993a, 53 correctly identiied the function of the iron bars from Moldavian deposits) was discovered at Oniceni, Neamţ County (Pl. 2/1–4). Another deposit comes from Negri, Bacău County (Antonescu 1968) and contains 315 iron bars similar to those from Oniceni, as well as 22 sword blade-shaped bars and 16 elements of sword-chains of LT C1 type (Panzergürtel in German, gourmettes in French) (Pl. 2/5–9).1 Such sword-chains are common in the Carpathian Basin, but are missing from the areas outside the mountains (Zirra 1974, 147–148, ig. 6/5–7; Popović 1994, 54, map 1; Hellebrandt 1999, pl. 11/11, 20/6, 58/1, 9, 66/1, 90/2, etc.). Recent investigations from Sajópetri in north-eastern Hungary have shown that this manufacturing centre also produced military equipment, including such sword-chains (Guillaumet 2007, 256). hese deposits attest some connections between the areas both inside and outside the Carpathians. Some cratsmen (or perhaps merchants) from the La Tène cultural environment may have transported semi-inished products destined to some workshops from the outside of the Carpathians, pointing to a reversed direction of the artisan mobility, from the west to the east (Pl. 3/1).2 he spatial mobility of the ine metal-workers, as well as their connections with the elites, can be sometimes observed by analysing the distribution area of certain resources, the traces of manufacturing activities and the circulation of inished products. From this point of view, the situation observed within the hracian communities from the north-eastern Balkans, in present-day Bulgaria, is relevant. In this region one can note the diferent geographic distribution of the gold and silver sources in comparison with that of the jewellery workshops (Pl. 4). he precious metal sources are concentrated along the Balkans range (Stara Planina) and the Rhodope Mountains (Pl. 4/1). On the other hand, a series of workshops are concentrated in north-eastern Bulgaria in some local urban centres like Sveshtari, or next to some aristocratic seats, in a region lacking the sources of precious metals (Pl. 4/2) (Tonkova 1994, 185–186, map 1–2; Tonkova 1999, 185–186, ig. 1–2). It can be therefore presumed that the aristocracy from these areas had access, in one way or another, to the sources of gold and silver from the mountains, providing in turn raw materials for the local workshops – run either by indigenous or Greek artisans – which produced luxury goods for them. hese goods were part of their own particular manner of expressing higher social status and identity. As a consequence, the artisans were compelled to follow those who ordered such goods and were able to provide the necessary raw materials. he spatial and temporal mobility of the cratsmen: Technological evidence he temporal and spatial mobility of the metal smiths, as well as the relations between the artisans and the elites, can be also revealed by an analysis of certain categories of gold and silver artefacts. From this point of view, some jewellery discovered in Banat and the neighbouring areas are signiicant. 1 2 he deposit from Negri was never completely published and various researchers give diferent igures concerning the inventory. hus Babeş 1993a, 53, lists 314 bars having the shape of a ‘plough coulter’ or ‘spear head’, as well as 27 long segments and 19 short segments belonging to some sword-chains. Iron ingots or bars having diferent forms, some similar to those from Moldavia, are attested in several areas from Western to Central Europe. Although these items might have also been used as ‘currency bars’, they were mainly semi-inished products for blacksmiths. From this point of view, it is signiicant that in the oppidum from Manching iron bars were found having diferent shapes, illustrating the diversity of the metal supplying sources (Pleiner 2006, 23–37, with bibliography). In the eastern Carpathian Basin, iron bars having diferent shapes and dimensions were found in metallurgical centres dated to the LT B2–C1 from Sajópetri, in north-eastern Hungary (in which such bars were also produced: Guillaumet 2007, 258–259), and probably Mukačevo, in Transcarpathian Ukraine (Jankovich 1931, pl. 8/19). At the same time, iron bars having diverse forms, some resembling plough coulters, also come from the Celtic environment in south-western Slovakia, being discovered in deposits and also in settlements (Pieta 2010, 161, ig. 68, 103–104). Celtic Elites and Cratsmen: Mobility and Technological Transfer during the Late Iron Age | 253 he silver spiral earrings or hair-loops (Pl. 3/2; 5/2) discovered in the cemeteries from Aradu Nou in Banat, Belgrade–Karaburma, Kostolac–Pecine and Kostolac–Repnjak in Serbia, originate from similar jewellery speciic to the end of the Early Iron Age in the north-western Balkans (Todorović 1972, 26–28, pl. 23; Jovanović 1994; 2007; Gavranović 2007, 413–414, ig. 11; Ljuština–Spasić 2012; Rustoiu– Ursuţiu 2013a, 326, ig. 13; Rustoiu–Ursuţiu 2013b, with previous bibliography). At the end of the fourth century BC, or LT B2a, such ornaments were integrated into garment assemblages of La Tène type (Pl. 5/1, 3–4). On one hand, this practice relects a particular manner of expressing personal identity amongst the women belonging to some ethnically and culturally mixed communities in which some traditional garment accessories were preserved. On the other hand, the presence of these ine ornaments illustrates the perpetuation of some speciic techniques of metalworking during several generations. Other similar examples are provided by some silver jewellery resembling Mediterranean or Pontic prototypes, but made very probably in workshops in the Balkans. he inventory of cremation grave no. 1 from Remetea Mare contains, amongst other artefacts, four biconical silver beads made in the iligree technique (Pl. 6/2) and two saddle-shaped silver inger-rings (Pl. 6/3) (Medeleţ ms; Rustoiu 2008, 111–115, ig. 55, 57/2). Although the anthropological analysis of the cremated human bones has not yet been carried out, the association of the panoply of arms with a set of female jewellery suggests a double burial. he funerary inventory dates the grave to the LT B2a (Pl. 7). he iligree silver beads are not speciic to the La Tène environment, but are common in the Mediterranean and the Balkans area (Pl. 6/1). Quite similar beads, made of gold, are known from grave no. 2 of the tumulus no. 2 from Seuthopolis, in which they are associated with two gold ibulae of the Pestrup type dated to the LT B2 (Pl. 8/4–5) and two silver ibulae of the ‘hracian’ type (Dimitrov– Čičikova 1978 apud Anastassov 2011, 234, ig. 23; Domaradzki 1984, ig. 33). Ten other nearly similar silver beads come from a grave discovered at Zimnicea and dated to the second half of the fourth century BC (Alexandrescu 1980, 31, no. 50, ig. 50/9–12). Other iligree beads were also found in the Illyrian environment in the north-western Balkans. Some quite similar pieces are known from graves no. 41 and 44 from the Illyrian cemetery at Szentlőrinc, in southern Hungary, belonging to a pre-Celtic chronological horizon that corresponds to the LT A–B1 (Jerem 1968, 186, ig. 25/41–1, 26/44–2; pl. 40/1). At the same time, a few biconical iligree beads come from inhumation burials no. 1 and 2 from the tumulus no. 35 at Glasinac–Gosinja planina, in Bosnia-Herzegovina. Both burials were ascribed to the Glasinac Vb phase and can be dated to the second half of the fourth century and the beginning of the third century BC. More than that, grave no. 1 also contains early Dux ibulae (Benac–Čović 1957, 23, pl. 47/10, 16–18). Four iligree beads were recovered from Umčari near Belgrade, together with an assemblage of silver inds which includes silver belts of the Mramorac type, a ibula and two omega-shaped pins, all being dated to the ith century BC (Garašanin 1960, 88, ig. 8). Lastly, another example consists of six beads incidentally discovered at Nikinci, on the Sava River (Vasić 2005, 68, 12–15). In this context, the beads from Remetea Mare illustrate the integration of some jewellery made in a workshop from the Balkans into a La Tène garment assemblage. he hoard containing silver jewellery found at Kovin, in the southern Serbian Banat, and dated to the irst half of the irst century BC, also contains similar beads (Pl. 9/1–4), as well as saddle-shaped inger-rings (Pl. 9/10–11, 13) made in the iligree technique (Rašajski 1961, 23, no. 6, pl. 1/3; Tasić 1992, pl. 12/42). his assemblage again illustrates not only the perpetuation of some elements of bodily ornamentation, but also the transmission of speciic techniques required in the manufacturing of these objects within some groups or families of cratsmen from the northern Balkans. he perpetuation of certain techniques through time is also demonstrated in other contexts. Amongst them can be listed the minting of silver coins at the end of the third century and the beginning of the second century BC (LT C1) and the manufacturing of certain silver jewellery during the irst century BC–irst century AD in the Dacian Kingdom (Rustoiu 1996a, 49–53; Rustoiu 1996b). he irst silver coins imitating the tetradrachms of Philip II appeared in the Celtic area of Transylvania around the middle of the third century BC3 (Preda 1973, 49–50, 55–110; Preda 1998, 139, 142–159; for 3 Preda (1973) entitled his monograph dedicated to the pre-Roman coinage in Dacia Monedele geto-dacilor (he coins of the Geto-Dacians), so during the last decades the large majority of the Romanian specialists ascribed all of the Late Iron Age monetary issues from the inner Carpathian region to this artiicial ethnic entity ‘created’ by modern historians (one exception is Zirra 1971, 217–219). However, during the last two decades some studies pointed to the fact that the coins 254 | A. Rustoiu–S. Berecki a synthesis of all opinions regarding the beginning of the local coinage imitating the Macedonian tetradrachms see Mihăilescu-Bârliba 2003, 263). he hoard from Vişea, Cluj County, belongs to the irst phase of the local coinage and contains a series of suberate coins (Chirilă–Chifor 1979, 68–69). he metallographic analysis indicates that they were minted by forging a thin sheet of top quality silver over a copper core (Stoicovici 1975). Later, at the end of the second century and during the irst century BC, the same technique was used to produce silver jewellery having the core made of low quality metal covered by a thin sheet of top quality silver (Pl. 8/1). Some hoards containing such jewellery – ibulae, necklaces, bracelets, pin-shaped pendants, etc. – were found in the same regions in which earlier dated hoards containing similarly made coins were found, in northern Transylvania and Crişana, and also in other regions of pre-Roman Dacia, indicating a wider spread of this technique (Rustoiu 1996a, 49–53; Rustoiu 1996b; Toma 2013). Nevertheless, the presence inside the Carpathian range of this kind of artefacts during an extended chronological period indicates the perpetuation of the necessary technological knowledge within certain families or groups of cratsmen. he connection between the cratsmen who minted these coins and those who made jewellery and garment accessories is further argued by the inventory of a jeweller workshop uncovered in the settlement at Pecica, near Arad (Crişan 1978, 84–98). his workshop functioned at the end of the irst century BC and during the irst century AD, or perhaps only in the irst half of this century (Rustoiu 1996a, 56). Its inventory includes the speciic tools of a jeweller (moulds for ingots and for making horse-bit shanks and rings, crucibles, anvils and a set of small chisels), as well as inished or recycled products. Together with them was found a coin die which was rendered unusable by chiselling the active end, so it was no longer usable at the time when the workshop functioned. his tool was formerly used to mint local scyphate coins speciic to the second century BC (Crişan 1978, 88–89, 94–95). he preservation of this die amongst other useful tools from the workshop’s inventory by several generations of cratsmen also points to the practice of maintaining certain speciic knowledge and technologies within the same specialised family or group. he die also raises the question of what were the means through which the various crats and their related knowledge were transferred from one generation to another. Learning, magic and metallurgy he perpetuation of knowledge from one generation to another in these illiterate societies was closely connected to oral transmission and the education of the young. One may reasonably infer that within diferent categories of crats many boys had taken over the activity of their fathers and learned the skills through apprenticeship within their own families. However, the organization of learning seems to be more complex. In an analysis concerning Iron Age education, which takes into consideration a series of ancient literary sources and the Irish and Welsh literary and juridical texts, R. Karl notes that learning was ruled by well-deined contractual and juridical principles. In many cases the practice of adoption played an important role in education. More precisely, aside from the so-called ‘caring adoption’ (which is encountered within a clan or family in the case of an orphaned child who is adopted by relatives), there was also the ‘educational adoption’ in which the youngsters were temporarily given up by their own parents to some skilled specialists to be educated. his system was mainly used for the education of noble ofspring, who had to be familiarized with diferent activities according to their future role deined by family origin, social rank and aspirations, for example to become warriors, masters of the sacred, healers, poets, artisans, etc. According to the Irish traditions, this kind of adoption lasted from the age of four to that of fourteen in the case of girls, and from the age of seven to that of seventeen in the case of boys. his long period must have created strong emotional and afective connections between these children and their adoptive parents. his kind of educational system also contributed to the creation, maintenance and enforcement of various connections, agreements and alliances between diferent communities, and at the same time facilitated the appearance of many spatial and temporal networks of distribution and communications through which a wide variety of practices and ideas (economic, technical, social, religious, etc.) circulated across territories and from one generation to another (Karl 2005). belonging to the irst phase of the ‘Geto-Dacian’ coinage in Transylvania were found in areas in which numerous ‘Celtic’ settlements and cemeteries dated to the LT B2–C1 are attested. As a consequence, this coinage was ascribed to the Celtic horizon from the inner Carpathian region, as it was previously done by K. Pink (1939) towards the end of the interwar period: see Babeş 2001, 511, 515, and mostly Dietrich–Dietrich 2006, 32–35, with a comprehensive discussion. Celtic Elites and Cratsmen: Mobility and Technological Transfer during the Late Iron Age | 255 Within families or groups of metallurgists, skills were learned not only through practice, but also using oral transmission and memorising of diferent technological traditions and manufacturing ‘recipes’. Similar modalities of education were also attested in other occupations. For example Caesar (B.G. VI. 14), mentioning the druids, writes that the youngsters either chose themselves this occupation, or were selected by their families, but they were compelled to memorise a large number of verses, so in some cases their training lasted up to 20 years. In the case of metallurgists, the magical dimension of their crat played an important role in the preservation and transmission of knowledge. he transformation of matter through an apparently mysterious transition from one state to another was something akin to the interference between the world of humans and that of the immortals, so it was accompanied by numerous ritual and magic precautions. M. Eliade, in his analysis of the myths and legends related to the extraction of ore and metallurgy, noted that mines were frequently regarded as the matrix of the Mother Earth. hus, the ores were considered to be slowly growing ‘embryos’ and their extraction was akin to a pre-term operation. For that reason the miners frequently performed puriication rituals consisting of fasting, meditation, prayers and various cult practices. All these rituals were imposed by the very nature of ore extraction, which touched a sacred space and disturbed the subterranean rhythms and the spirits that governed over them. From the ritual point of view, the most diicult operation begins when the ore is processed in kilns. In this process the cratsman takes the place of nature to accelerate and accomplish the ‘growth’, the kilns serving as new artiicial matrices in which the ore’s gestation is completed. Due to these concepts, this technological phase required several precautions and rituals, and the establishing of diferent taboos. he metallurgist was also perceived as a ‘master of ire’, because he was able to obtain a matter which could not be found in nature. As a consequence, in archaic societies both the smelters and the smiths were known as ‘masters of ire’ similar to the shamans, healers and magicians. In this context the metallurgical crat must have had intimate connections with some occult practices and the arts of singing, dancing and poetry. hus, the metallurgical ‘recipes’, having a magical character, were preserved and handed down from one generation to another through the use of particular practices of memorizing and communication, contributing to the sacred, mystery atmosphere surrounding the activity of the artisan. his activity was marked by initiations, speciic rituals and secrets to which the uninitiated had no access. herefore, the artisan was also perceived as a magician who had knowledge – ‘the one who makes eicient things is the one who knows the secret to make them’ (see further Eliade 1996; 1997, 429–432; for the relation between metallurgy, magic and ritual from an archaeological perspective see also Rustoiu 2002; Stöllner 2007, 243–244). Due to the magical nature of metal processing, the artisans were nearly always also considered to be wizards. Eliade noted that from this perception came the ambivalent attitude towards this category of cratsmen, who were both despised and venerated. his attitude might have also inluenced in some cases the workshops’ location within the settlements. Sometimes these workshops occupy central areas, for example at Sboryanovo in the fourth–third centuries BC (Stoyanov–Mihaylova 1996, 56–57), or at Pecica in the irst century AD (Crişan 1978, ig. 14, 18). In other cases, the manufacturing areas are well delimited within the settlements or are located at the periphery of the living areas, for example at Sajópetri (Szabó 2007, map 2).4 he house of the jeweller from Angheluş, mentioned above, seems to argue for the connection between the artisans and the magical practices. Its inventory contains a clay igurine (Fig. 2/2) which 4 Echoes of the magical attributes of the prehistoric blacksmith and his workshop sometimes reach modern times, as it happens, for example, in the novel Moromeţii written by Marin Preda, a famous Romanian author of the 20th century. He describes, in a colorful story inspired by his own childhood memories, the life of a family and of an entire rural community from the south of the Carpathians during the interwar period. he local blacksmith’s workshop plays an important role in the social life of the community, being located near the crossroad and serving as a meeting point for the village’s men on each Sunday. More than that, Iocan the blacksmith, who is a Gipsy, displays unusual somatic features, similar to the blacksmith-god Hephaestus or other shaman-gods from various mythologies. It is quite obvious that the author was inspired by some lectures on the history of religion, very probably also by the work of Eliade, but the story also preserves certain aspects related to the importance, role and attributes of the blacksmiths in the old Romanian communities. he location of the workshop (near the crossroad), the blacksmith himself (being ethnically diferent, thus representing the ‘foreigner’ or the ‘other’) and his physical appearance (‘he was an ugly man – having an unusually thick, hanging lower lip’), and the meeting of the men on a day having a particular ritual signiicance (on Sundays), symbolically points to the magical nature of the blacksmith and to his status and image within the community. 256 | A. Rustoiu–S. Berecki was commonly used in such practices (for the use of such igurines in magical rituals during the ith century BC–third century AD in the region between the Carpathians and the Balkans and in the northwestern Pontic region, see Sîrbu 1993, 58–62, 64–70, 110–122, ig. 37–52; Sîrbu 2006, 68–71). he tool kit of the artisan was invested with magical properties and powers, and the instruments were inaccessible to the ordinary people. his perception may explain the preservation through time of some obsolete or damaged tools in the inventory of some workshops or in tool sets. One example could be the aforementioned coin die found in the workshop from Pecica, Arad County, which was rendered unusable by chiselling the active end ater it ceased to be used for minting coins. Its destruction might be also interpreted as a desecration of the tool. Other similar examples are known from pre-Roman Dacia. Some bronze punching tools displaying a female head on their active end (Pl. 10/2–3) have been found in the jeweller workshop from Radovanu (Morintz–Şerbănescu 1985, 22) and in the settlement from Bucureşti–Căţelu Nou (Leahu 1965, 61, ig. 38/6; Turcu 1979, 103, pl. 36/2), both being dated to the end of the second century and the irst century BC. Another similar punching tool was found in a tower-house from the Dacian fortress at Costeşti, Hunedoara County (Pl. 10/4), which functioned between the middle of the irst century BC and the beginning of the second century AD (Gheorghiu 2004).5 hese instruments were used to decorate some silver vessels or jewellery made of gold and silver sheet during the ith–third centuries BC. For example, the famous hoard of vessels from Rogozen, in Bulgaria, contains a series of silver phialae decorated with the help of such punching tools (Babeş 1993b; Tonkova 1994, 180–182; Rustoiu 1996a, 63–64; Rustoiu 2002, 41; Kull–Stîngă 1997; Treister 2001, 75–81; Antonov–Torbov 2002). At the same time, similar instruments showing human heads, acorns, heads of real or fantastic animals carved on the active ends are also known from other contexts dated to the ith–third centuries BC in the lower Danube basin and in the Pontic region, which corresponds precisely to the areas in which vessels and jewellery decorated with these motifs were also produced (Pl. 10/1; see also another distribution map in Kull–Stîngă 1997, 579, ig. 14). he punching tools discovered in pre-Roman Dacia and coming from nearly two centuries later dated contexts illustrate again the lengthy preservation of some tools perceived as having magical properties in the inventories of some workshops. he human igures carved on these punching tools further contributed to the symbolic and magical meaning of the instruments. he artefacts from Dacia are not exceptional, for example one punching tool displaying the image of a griin, which was used in the fourth century BC and then preserved during a few more centuries, was found in a workshop from Pella in Macedonia (Treister 2001, 79–81). Summarising the above-mentioned observations, the transmission of speciic knowledge and skills from one generation of artisans to another was facilitated by a complex process of education through apprenticeship. Due to the magical nature of the profession of the metal specialist, the learning process required the novices to get through successive phases of initiation, which made them to memorise technological recipes and secrets. his modality of preserving and transmitting knowledge and technologies characterised the ‘temporal mobility’ of the artisans. Northern Balkans artisans and technological transfers in the Carpathian Basin he integration of some jewellery and garment accessories of Greek or northern Balkans origin into a series of garment assemblages of La Tène type points to the interest of some of the Celtic elites from 5 he punching tool from Costeşti displays wear marks on the active end, indicating a lengthy use. he metallographic analysis revealed the presence of small percentages of gold and silver in the bronze alloy, which led G. Gheorghiu to conclude that the tool was made of copper coming from the Apuseni Mountains, where the ore also contains traces of gold and silver. According to her conclusion, the tool could have been made and used in pre-Roman Dacia during the late La Tène phase. Recently, complex metallographic analyses of some similar punching tools from north-western Bulgaria, dated to the fourth–third centuries BC, revealed that some of them have compositions that resemble the one of the piece from Costeşti. More than that, it has been noted that these instruments were commonly made of recycled metals, which hampers the eventual identiication of the primary source of raw materials. However, the authors of this study conclude that the analysed punching tools were made in workshops from north-western Bulgaria (Iliev et al. 2007). In this case, it may be presumed that the piece from Costeşti was more likely made in the fourth–third centuries BC in a workshop from the northern Balkans or the lower Danube region and it was preserved in the tool set of a family of artisans for a longer period, similarly to the punching tools from Bucureşti–Căţelu Nou and Radovanu. Celtic Elites and Cratsmen: Mobility and Technological Transfer during the Late Iron Age | 257 the Carpathian Basin in this kind of goods. Although the artisans coming from the Greek, hracian or Illyrian environment used their own familiar technologies to produce jewellery of Mediterranean or northern Balkans inspiration for the Celtic elites, they were compelled to modify them according to the visual codes and the practical and symbolic needs of the customers. Perhaps the best known example is the hoard containing gold objects discovered at Szárazd-Regöly, in Hungary, which is more likely dated to the third century BC (Fig. 3).6 M. Szabó has noted on many occasions that the hoard contains both objects having morphological and technological antecedents in the northern Balkans as early as the ith–third centuries BC (iligree tubular elements or some types of beads), and pieces manufactured according to the norms and taste of the Continental Celts, like the wheel-shaped elements or the beads decorated with human heads (Pl. 8/2) (Szabó 1975, 152–155, ig. 7, pl. 7–10; Szabó 1991, 127, ig. 1–2; Szabó 2006, 114–115, ig. 20; etc.). Such gold or silver jewellery made in the iligree or granulation technique had an important role in the spread of this decorative style in the Carpathian Basin (Szabó 1975; for the inluence of hracian jewellery on the Celtic one, see Tonkova 2006). However, the artisans from the Celtic environment adapted this decorative style to their own technique of bronze casting, inventing the pseudo-iligree or pseudo-granulation, so only the visual element was transferred, but not the related technology (for the inluence of the Celtic technological knowledge on the design of certain artefacts see Jope 1996, 399–401). Another example of the relation between the Greek or hracian cratsmen and the warlike elites of the Carpathian Basin, and also of the complementary technoFig. 3. he gold hoard from Szárazdlogical transfer, this time as regards military equipment, Regöly (ater Szabó 1999). 6 Diverse opinions were expressed regarding the chronology of this hoard, the dating varying between the third and the irst century BC (second half of the third century–second century BC: Szabó 1992, 169; irst century BC: Megaw–Megaw 2001, 166–167; etc.). his variability is caused by the insuicient information regarding the context of discovery and the hoard’s composition. he assemblage was found in the second half of the nineteenth century between Szárazd and Regöly, being recovered from a peat bog; the artefacts entered into the National Hungarian Museum in two groups in 1891 and 1892 (Hadaczek 1907). According to the observations provided by M. Wosinsky, then Director of the Museum of Szekszárd, several lots of artefacts (made of gold, amber and glass) were recovered from this peat bog, being separately grouped (Szabó 1999, 111). His observations indicate that there were several votive oferings placed in a sacred space (perhaps an ancient bog), probably over a period of time. he metal artefacts include a group of gold objects and another of silver. he latter group includes ive middle La Tène type ibulae having large knobs on the foot and the spring consisting of a large number of spires, as well as one rectangular iligree plate decorated with human igures. Four segments of a loop-in-loop chain, having anthropomorphic pendants made of silver sheet on their ends (one is still preserved), hangs of the plate (two of them still have one iligree cylindrical socket attached) (Szabó 1999, 116, ig. 64–65). hese ibulae, known as the Szárazd-Regöly type, are morphologically related to those of the Jarak-type from the area of the Scordisci, which chronologically belong to the Belgrade 3 horizon (Božič 1981, 328; Guštin 1984, 326–327), more precisely to the LT D1 sub-phase (Božič 2008, 146). According to the chronologies used in other areas by diferent specialists, this subphase covers the interval between the middle or the last quarter of the second century and the irst quarter or the irst half of the irst century BC. he ibulae with knobs from the Dacian hoards, which also resemble morphologically the brooches from Szárazd-Regöly, belong to the same chronological interval (Rustoiu 1997). As concerns the remaining silver artefacts (the iligree plate with chains, sockets and anthropomorphic pendants), they have analogies in the hoard discovered in the settlement at Židovar, which was buried before the middle of the irst century BC (Jevtić et al. 2006; for the anthropomorphic pendants see also the similar pieces from Hrtkovci: Dautova Ruševljan–Jevtić 2006). hus, the silver items from Szárazd-Regöly belong to a hoard which can be dated to the LT D1, being similar to the deposits from the Scordiscian territory (in which gold objects are missing), and these features indicate its belonging to this cultural phenomenon. he gold artefacts belong to a distinct hoard or deposit. heir dating to the third century is suggested by the analogies from the northern Balkans cited by Szabó on numerous occasions. It can be therefore presumed that the bog located between Szárazd and Regöly was a sacred place in which two distinct hoards were placed at diferent times. 258 | A. Rustoiu–S. Berecki is the appearance of sword-chains of the loop-in-loop type, usually made of iron, but sometimes also of bronze (see the comprehensive discussion in Rustoiu 2008, 105–116). hese chains already appeared in the LT B2 in Western Europe and also in the Carpathian Basin (Pl. 11/1; for the evolution of swordchains see Rapin 1987; 1991; 1995; etc.; for the distribution of sword-chains of the loop-in-loop type see also Bujna 1995, 260–262, ig. 4; Schönfelder 1998, ig. 5; Rustoiu 2006, ig. 10; Rustoiu 2008, ig. 51; Rustoiu 2012, ig. 7). M. Schönfelder (1998, 79–83) has noted that from the technological point of view they are variants of some jewellery chains made of gold or silver, which were widespread in the Mediterranean area during a long period of time. Morphologically, the chains from Western Europe have a ladder-like shape and their thickness decreases from one end to another (Pl. 11/2). Some of the examples from the Carpathian Basin are made from plaited loops and their thickness is completely even from one end to another (Pl. 11/3). he diferent features of the sword-chains from Western Europe, in comparison with those from the Carpathian Basin, suggest diferent means and ways through which some speciic Mediterranean techniques were adopted. One bronze chain discovered at Ensérune (see for instance Ginoux 2007, 148, no. 28, pl. 28), in southern Gaul (Pl. 12/1), as well as the inds from Monte Bibele in northern Italy (Schönfelder 1998; Lejars 2008, 137, 214) (Pl. 12/2), indicates that the technique of manufacturing was taken over from the western Mediterranean by cratsmen who worked in an environment related to the Greek or Etruscan workshops from the mentioned area. hese cratsmen adapted a type of chain that was commonly used in jewellery to some speciic needs of the warriors from north-eastern Gaul. he situation in the Carpathian Basin is diferent. In this case the chains more closely resemble the jewellery prototypes made of gold or silver. his fact suggests a stronger ainity with the Mediterranean or northern Balkans workshops which used gold and silver, and also bronze. he presence of some bronze examples mainly in the southern Carpathian Basin seems to support this hypothesis. Such pieces were found in the cemetery from Belgrade–Karaburma (Pl. 12/3) (grave no. 66: Todorović 1972, pl. 24/4) and in grave no. 4 from Remetea Mare (Pl. 8/3B). hree other iron chains from the graves no. 1, 9 and 10 are morphologically similar (Pl. 8/3A; 12/4) (Medeleţ ms.; Rustoiu 2008, 111, ig. 55–56, 57/1. he Greek or indigenous workshops (inspired by the Greek ones) from the neighbouring Balkans areas, which produced jewellery and garment accessories in the ith–third centuries BC, very probably contributed to the genesis of the sword-chains speciic to the Carpathian Basin. hus, the sword-chains of the loop-in-loop type very probably appeared in both Western and Eastern Europe through the adaptation of some jewellery elements from the Mediterranean area to the particular needs of military equipment. In both geographic areas the transfer had been performed by a number of cratsmen who were familiar with the Greek jewellery technique. he mobility of both the warriors and the cratsmen further contributed to the spread of these pieces of military equipment across wider areas. Nevertheless, this hypothesis does not exclude the possibility that some swordchains from the Carpathian Basin may have circulated from the west to the east. Rapin (1995) has noted the presence of some speciic types of sword-chains both in the west and the east, although those from the eastern regions never reached Gaul, whereas the western ones were sometimes attested in the Carpathian Basin. *** he colonization of the eastern and southern parts of the Carpathian Basin led, amongst other things, to the creation of certain complex connections between the Celtic elites and those of the populations from the northern Balkans and eastern Mediterranean, in spite of the major structural diferences in the social organization of the respective communities. In the fourth–third centuries BC the Celts from the Carpathian Basin evolved, similarly to most of those from the temperate Europe, within rural societies which were apparently egalitarian or pseudo-egalitarian (see Schönfelder 2007). However, individuals, families and communities were engaged in a permanent social and economic competition, which led to an increased power and inluence of the elite, who chose to express personal and group identity in a manner speciic to the La Tène environment. he interment of warriors together with their panoply of arms which Celtic Elites and Cratsmen: Mobility and Technological Transfer during the Late Iron Age | 259 served as a symbol of their belonging to a privileged social category is a relevant example (see Wells 2007). On the other hand, in the northern Balkans the local society was dominated by an aristocracy that was clearly separated functionally and visually from the ordinary members of the communities. his is visible in funerary contexts and also in the manner in which the aristocracy expressed its social status using rich and ostentatious elements. hus the aristocratic burials consist of spectacular monuments having mortuary chambers, covered by large tumuli, in which rituals of heroization were periodically performed. heir inventories included garment accessories and jewellery made of gold and silver (some having an important symbolic signiicance, like the diadems and seal-rings), military parade equipment also made of precious metals (greaves, helmets, horse harnesses etc), Greek or local metal vessels, etc. (Kull 1997; Archibald 1998; Sîrbu–Florea 2000; Măndescu 2010, 377–418; etc.). Unlike the rich aristocracy of the northern Balkans, ordinary members of the local communities were buried in lat cremation cemeteries (inhumation burials being rare), and the funerary inventories consisted of ceramic vessels and bronze or iron jewellery and garment accessories (which were rarely made of precious metals) (Sîrbu 1993, 41–42; Sîrbu 2006, 117–128; Măndescu 2010). he social contacts and networks established between the elites from the Carpathian Basin and the northern Balkans aristocracy determined the circulation of certain objects and also of some archaeologically invisible ‘intellectual products’ from one area to another (for these aspects see Venclová 2002, 74–75; Stöllner 2010, 283–286, ig. 5). However, the diferences in social structure and organization, and in ideology and identity construct, determined the appearance of some hybrid forms, adapted to the visual, practical and symbolic needs of each party. his hybridization can be observed, for example, in the construction of certain costumes or in the bodily ornamentation which combine La Tène elements with others of Greek or northern Balkans origin. he artisans’ mobility played an essential role in the transfer and perpetuation of diferent technologies required for the manufacturing of these hybrid elements. his mobility was both temporal, through the complex educative and learning processes which allowed the transmission of speciic knowledge from one generation to another within artisan families or groups, and spatial, through the movement of cratsmen looking for customers able to provide protection, resources and demand. From this perspective, the relation between the specialised cratsmen and the customers who required objects manufactured according to their own functional, visual and symbolic norms, is relevant for understanding the technological transfers or the ways in which ‘foreign’ objects were ‘read’ and ‘copied’ using local speciic techniques (see also Egri 2014, in this volume). he term ‘itinerant cratsman’, commonly used to deine the artisans’ mobility, should be understood as deining the temporary movement of the specialist from one customer to another, and not as a permanent or institutionalized way of life. From this point of view the workshops are always ixed, immobile and functioning in the proximity of the clients, who might have been particular individuals or the entire community (Zaccagnini 1983, 258–259; Rustoiu 1996a, 53). he artisans’ mobility embraced diferent forms. One of them is the so-called ‘commercial’ mobility – a voluntary movement of the cratsmen looking for clients in the way identiied as early as the irst half of the irst millennium BC in Greece and the Levant, or within some communities from the Near East ater the disintegration of the Bronze Age societies (Zaccagnini 1983, 257–264), and perhaps also in the Iron Age temperate Europe. At the same time, the artisans’ mobility might have been caused by ‘reciprocative’ actions in which some skilled specialists were part of the git exchanges between diferent masters, when the former were in a relation of dependency with the latter (Zaccagnini 1983, 249–256). his kind of mobility appears within highly hierarchized societies dominated by an authoritarian aristocracy, probably like those of the Odrysians, Triballi or Getae, who were based on a social-political economy of prestige. For example hucydides (II. 97. 3–4), describing the Odrysians, and the hracians in general, mentions that nothing can be done with them unless gits are brought, and not only for the king but also for the court aristocracy. Xenophon (Anabasis VII, 3) also writes that, during a banquet at the court of Seuthes III, the Odrysian king received gits from diferent people, consisting of a white horse, a young slave, clothes for his wife, a silver cup and a carpet, all being redistributed aterwards (see also the comments 260 | A. Rustoiu–S. Berecki in Mauss 1921).Within this kind of society the mobility of certain artisans might have been governed by these practices.7 he cratsmen’s mobility was also closely connected to the elite’s mobility, mostly in the societies of the temperate Europe during the fourth–third centuries BC. he movement of larger or smaller heterogeneous groups across Europe also incorporated, alongside the warriors and their families, a series of specialised cratsmen. his phenomenon may explain, to a certain extent, the widespread distribution of the Hatvan-Boldog swords from Western Europe to Transylvania, in both directions (see Ginoux et al. 2014, in this volume), as well as that of the swords having the scabbards decorated with pairs of faceto-face griins or dragons, or of particular types of jewellery and metal ornaments. heir widespread distribution was not determined exclusively by the wider circulation of diferent users (groups and individuals), but also by the activity of the artisans who accompanied the travelling elites and produced these artefacts in the newly colonised areas. Lastly, the relation between the artisans and the elite customers, the spatial and temporal mobility of the specialists, as well as the technological transfers, can be also identiied through archaeological analyses, as it has been shown above. Furthermore, the adoption of certain techniques of Mediterranean origin or the transformation of some foreign objects through the use of local techniques might be more accurately identiied using some other forms of detailed analyses in the case of certain types of inds from the Carpathian Basin. However, these approaches must remain subjects for future research. Acknowledgements he authors wish to express their gratitude towards M. Tonkova for providing the illustrations of the inds from Seuthopolis, to E. Jerem for the useful comments and information regarding the presentation during the conference, to C. Toma for the information regarding the jewellery with a low quality core and a top quality cover from the Museum of Oradea, and to M. Ljuština and I. V. Ferencz for bibliographic information. Our warm thanks go to M. Egri for translating the present study. References Alexandrescu 1980 Anastassov 2011 Antonescu 1968 7 Alexandrescu, A. D., La nécropole Gète de Zimnicea, Dacia N.S., 24, 19–126. Anastassov, J., he Celtic presence in hrace during the 3rd century BC in light of new archaeological data, IN: Guštin, M.–Jevtić, M. (eds.), he Eastern Celts. he communities between the Alps and the Black Sea, Koper–Beograd, 227–239. Antonescu, I., Depozitul de unelte de ier din comuna Negri – Bacău şi implicaţiile sale istorice, Carpica, 1, 189–197. One example of the manner in which such kind of ‘redistribution’ of some skilled artisans functioned among the elites is provided by a letter of Pliny the Younger written in AD 112, in which he describes the peregrinations of a certain Callidromus (Epistulae 74, 1–3). his Callidromus was a house slave of M. Laberius Maximus, the governor of Moesia Inferior during the irst Dacian war of Trajan in AD 101–102. During the Sarmatian and Dacian invasion in Moesia Inferior (probably in present-day Dobrogea) in the winter of AD 101–102, Callidromus was captured by Susagus, a Sarmatian leader, and was sent to Decebalus. he Dacian king, who probably wanted to conclude an alliance with the Parthians against the Romans, sent an embassy to Pacorus, which also brought the slave Callidromus as a git among other things. he slave managed to escape, probably ater the death of Pacorus in AD 110, reaching the province of Bithynia (where Pliny the Younger was governor), and ‘lending his skill’ to the bakers Maximus and Dionysius. Due to the poor treatment sufered at the hand of the two bakers, Callidromus requested asylum from the authorities, to whom he told his story. 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Zirra, V., Beiträge zur Kenntnis des keltischen Latène in Rumänien, Dacia N.S., 15, 171–238. Zirra, V., Descoperiri celtice de la sfârşitul Latènului mijlociu în Depresiunea Bistriţei, File de istorie, 3, 138–164. List of igures Fig.1. 1. Lamp from grave no. 34 at Fântânele–Dâmbu Popii; 2. Original Greek lamp from Stelnica (ater Teleagă 2008); 3. Original Greek lamp from Seuthopolis (ater Čičikova 1984); 4. Imitation of Greek lamp from Olbia (ater Højte2010). Fig. 2. Angheluş. 1. Ceramic mould used in the manufacturing of amphora-shaped pendants (photo S.-J. Sztáncsuj); 2. Clay igurine (ater Crişan 2000). Fig. 3. he gold hoard from Szárazd-Regöly (ater Szabó 1999). List of plates Fântânele–Dâmbu Popii, grave no. 34. 1–3. Iron objects, 3–8. Ceramic objects. 1–4. Iron bars from Oniceni (ater Teodor 1983); 5–9. Iron bars and sword-chains from Negri (ater Babeş 1993a, without scale). Pl. 3. 1. Graves containing metallurgical tools (black squares), metallurgical centres and workshops (black triangles), deposits of iron bars (black dots); 2. Distribution of the annular spiral jewellery (earrings and bracelets). Pl. 4. 1. Distribution map of the ancient gold and silver sources in hrace; 2. Distribution map of the jewellery workshops and tools from the ith–third centuries BC in hrace (ater Tonkova 1999). Pl. 5. Graves with spiral earrings. 1. Kostolac–Repnjak (ater Jacanović 1987, without scale); 2. Donja Dolina (ater Gavranović 2007); 3. Belgrade–Karaburma, grave no. 63; 4. Belgrade–Karaburma grave no. 67 (3–4. ater Todorović 1972). Pl. 6. 1. Distribution map of the biconical iligree silver beads; 2–3. Remetea Mare, grave no. 1. 2. Filigree silver beads; 3. Saddle-shaped silver inger-rings (ater Medeleţ ms; Rustoiu 2008). Pl. 7. Inventory of the grave no. 1 from Remetea Mare (ater Medeleţ ms; Rustoiu 2008). Pl. 8. 1. Microscopic images of a silver bracelet from the hoard found at Drăgeşti, Bihor County, having a low quality core and a top quality silver cover (ater Toma 2013); 2. Detail of a gold pendant with a human head from Szárazd-Regöly (ater Szabó 1999); 3. Remetea Mare. A. Iron chain from grave no. 1; B. Bronze chain from grave no. 4 (ater Medeleţ ms; Rustoiu 2008); 4. Gold necklace and Pestrup-type ibulae from female grave no. 2/tumulus no. 2 at Seuthopolis (photo K. Giorgiev). Pl. 9. he silver hoard from Kovin, Museum of Vršac (photo F. Medeleţ). Pl. 10. 1. Distribution map of the punching tools from the northern Balkans; 2–4. Punching tools discovered in workshops or contexts dated to the irst c. BC. 2. Bucureşti–Căţelu Nou (ater Leahu 1965); 3. Radovanu (ater Morintz–Şerbănescu 1985, without scale); 4.Costeşti (ater Gheorghiu 2004). Pl. 11. 1. Distribution map of the loop-in-loop sword-chains; 2. Iron sword-chain from St. Benoît-sur-Seine (ater Ginoux 2007); 3. Bronze sword-chain from Belgrade–Karaburma (ater Todorović 1972). Pl. 12. 1; 3. Graves containing bronze sword-chains; 2; 4. Graves with iron sword-chains. 1. Grave no. 163 from Ensérune (ater Ginoux 2007); 2. Grave no. 120 from Monte Bibele (ater Schönfelder 1998); 3. Grave no. 66 from Belgrade–Karaburma (ater Todorović 1972); 4. Grave no. 9 from Remetea Mare (ater Medeleţ ms; Rustoiu 2008). Pl. 1. Pl. 2. Celtic Elites and Cratsmen: Mobility and Technological Transfer during the Late Iron Age | 267 1 2 3 4 6 5 7 8 5–8 1–4 Plate 1. Fântânele–Dâmbu Popii, grave no. 34. 1–3. Iron objects, 3–8. Ceramic objects. 268 | A. Rustoiu–S. Berecki 1 2 3 4 8 9 5 6 7 Plate 2. 1–4. Iron bars from Oniceni (ater Teodor 1983); 5–9. Iron bars and sword-chains from Negri (ater Babeş 1993a, without scale). Celtic Elites and Cratsmen: Mobility and Technological Transfer during the Late Iron Age | 269 7 5 3 2 6 9 1 8 4 1. Fântânele–Dâmbu Popii 2. Au am Leithagebirge 3. Sankt Georgen am Steinfeld 4. Belgrade–Karaburma 5. Sajópetri 6. Polgár 7. Mukačevo 8. Negri 9. Oniceni Ha D–LT B1 LT B2a Plate 3. 1. Graves containing metallurgical tools (black squares), metallurgical centres and workshops (black triangles), deposits of iron bars (black dots); 2. Distribution of the annular spiral jewellery (earrings and bracelets). 1 2 270 | A. Rustoiu–S. Berecki Black Sea gold silver 1 Black Sea izolated finds from sites Plate 4. 1. Distribution map of the ancient gold and silver sources in hrace; 2. Distribution map of the jeweller workshops and tools from the ith–third centuries BC in hrace (ater Tonkova 1999). 2 Celtic Elites and Cratsmen: Mobility and Technological Transfer during the Late Iron Age | 271 1 3 2 Plate 5. Graves with spiral earrings. 1. Kostolac–Repnjak (ater Jacanović 1987, without scale); 2. Donja Dolina (ater Gavranović 2007); 3. Belgrade–Karaburma, grave no. 63; 4. Belgrade–Karaburma grave no. 67 (3–4. ater Todorović 1972). 4 272 | A. Rustoiu–S. Berecki 5 3 2 6 1 7 1. Glasinac 2. Kovin 3. Remetea Mare 4. Seuthopolis 5. Szentlőrinc 6. Umčari 7. Zimnicea 4 1 2 Plate 6. 1. Distribution map of the biconical iligree silver beads; 2–3. Remetea Mare, grave no. 1. 2. Filigree silver beads; 3. Saddle-shaped silver inger-rings (ater Medeleţ ms; Rustoiu 2008). 3 Celtic Elites and Cratsmen: Mobility and Technological Transfer during the Late Iron Age | 273 3 2 1 N 6 5 7 4 8 9 12 10 13 11 14 15 16 Plate 7. Inventory of the grave no. 1 from Remetea Mare (ater Medeleţ ms; Rustoiu 2008, diferent scales). 274 | A. Rustoiu–S. Berecki 1 A B 3 2 4 5 Plate 8. 1. Microscopic images of a silver bracelet from the hoard found at Drăgeşti, Bihor County, having a low quality core and a top quality silver cover (ater Toma 2013); 2. Detail of a gold pendant with a human head from Szárazd-Regöly (ater Szabó 1999); 3. Remetea Mare. A. Iron chain from the grave no. 1; B. Bronze chain from the grave no. 4 (ater Medeleţ ms; Rustoiu 2008); 4. Gold necklace and Pestrup-type ibulae from the female grave no. 2/tumulus no. 2 at Seuthopolis (photo: K. Giorgiev). Celtic Elites and Cratsmen: Mobility and Technological Transfer during the Late Iron Age | 275 1 5 8 11 10 2 7 6 3 12 13 9 4 14 16 15 18 17 19 21 20 Plate 9. he silver hoard from Kovin, Museum of Vršac (photo: F. Medeleţ). 1–13 14–21 276 | A. Rustoiu–S. Berecki 3 5th–3rd c. BC 1st c. BC 1. Arbanasi 2. Bucureşti 3. Costeşti 4. Dragoevo 5. Oprişor 6. Palatiano 7. Pârjoaia 8. Pella 9. Radovanu 10. Ruen 11. Vraca region 2 5 7 9 11 4 10 6 1 8 1 2 3 4 Plate 10. 1. Distribution map of the punching tools from the northern Balkans; 2–4. Punching tools discovered in workshops or contexts dated to the irst c. BC. 2. Bucureşti–Căţelu Nou (ater Leahu 1965); 3. Radovanu (ater Morintz–Şerbănescu 1985, without scale); 4. Costeşti (ater Gheorghiu 2004). Celtic Elites and Cratsmen: Mobility and Technological Transfer during the Late Iron Age | 277 iron bronze 1 2 3 Plate 11. 1. Distribution map of the loop-in-loop sword-chains; 2. Iron sword-chain from St. Benoît-sur-Seine (ater Ginoux 2007); 3. Bronze sword-chain from Belgrade–Karaburma (ater Todorović 1972). 278 | A. Rustoiu–S. Berecki 2 1 1 3 4 2 5 6–9 1–5 6 7 8 9 3 Plate 12. 1; 3. Graves containing bronze sword-chains; 2; 4. Graves with iron sword-chains. 1. Grave no. 163 from Ensérune (ater Ginoux 2007); 2. Grave no. 120 from Monte Bibele (ater Schönfelder 1998); 3. Grave no. 66 from Belgrade–Karaburma (ater Todorović 1972); 4. Grave no. 9 from Remetea Mare (ater Medeleţ ms; Rustoiu 2008). 4 ABBREVIATIONS ActaArchHung ActaArch ActaB ActaIA ActaMB ActaMC ActaMM ActaMN ActaMP AFN AFSB AIH Alba Regia AnnalesUV, SAH AO Apulum ArchAd ArchAustr ArchBulg ArchÉrt ArchHung ArchKorr ArchPol ArchRoz ArchS ArchSl ArchSlov ArhPregl ArhVest Arrabona ASM AVSC Banatica BAR BayerVorgbl BB BerRGK BFA BIA BJ Acta Archaeologica Academiae Scientiarum Hungaricae, Budapest Acta Archeologica, København Acta Bernensia, Bern Acta Interdisciplinaria Archeologica, Nitra Acta Musei Brukenthal, Sibiu Acta Musei Cibalensis, Vinkovci Acta Musei Moraviae Acta Musei Napocensis, Cluj-Napoca Acta Musei Porolissensis, Zalău Archäologische Forschungen in Niederösterreich Arbeits- und Forschungsberichte zur Sächsischen Bodendenkmalplege Régészeti Kutatások Magyarországon / Archaeological Investigation in Hungary, Budapest Alba Regia, Annales Musei Stephani Regis, Székesfehérvár Annales d’Université “Valahia” Târgovişte. Section d’Archéologie et d’Histoire Arhivele Olteniei, Craiova Apulum, Acta Musei Apulensis, Alba Iulia Archaeologia Adriatica Archaeologia Austriaca, Wien Archaeologia Bulgarica, Soia Archaeologiai Értesítő, Budapest Archaeologia Hungarica, Budapest Archäologisches Korrespondenzblatt, Römisch-Germanischen Zentralmuseum in Mainz Archeologia Polona Archeologické Rozhledy, Prague Archäologie in Salzburg Archeologia Śląska Archaeologia Slovaca Monographiae Studia, Nitra Arheološki Pregled, Arheološko društvo Jugoslavije Arheološki vestnik (Acta Archaeologica), Inštitut za arheologijo, Lubljana Arrabona, a Győri Múzeum Évkönyve Archaeologica Slovaca Monographiae Archeologický výskum v severných Čechách Banatica, Muzeul de istorie al judeţului Caraș-Severin, Reșiţa British Archaeological Reports, International Series / British Series, Oxford Bayerische Vorgeschichtsblätter, München Bibliotheca Brukenthal, Sibiu Bericht der Römisch-Germanischen Kommission Bochumer Forschungen zur ur- und frühgeschichtlichen Archäologie Bulletin of the Institute of Archaeology Bonner Jahrbücher Iron Age Crats and Cratsmen in the Carpathian Basin, 2014, p. 325–328 326 | Abbreviations BMAK BMB BMM BMN BMP BpRég BT BTMM CAB CAJ Carpica CCA ComArchHung Crisia CurrA Dacia (N.S.) DissPann DMB ÉC EJA EphemNap FAB FAM FAS FBBW FolArch FÖ Godišnjak Germania Glasnik ZM HOMÉ IA Instrumentum IPH Istros JAA Jahrbuch KF Jahrbuch RGZM JahrMV JahrOM JAMT JAS JNES KEMK Biblioteka Muzeum Archeologicznego w Krakówie Biblioteca Muzeului Bistriţa Bibliotheca Mvsei Marisiensis, Seria Archaeologica, Târgu Mureș / Cluj Napoca Bibliotheca Mvsei Napocensis, Cluj-Napoca Bibliotheca Mvsei Porolissensis, Zalău Budapest Régiségei, Budapest Bibliotheca hracologica, Bucureşti Budapest Történeti Múzeum, Műhely Cercetări Arheologice în Bucureşti Cambridge Archaeological Journal Carpica, Muzeul Judeţean de Istorie şi Artă „Iulian Antonescu“, Bacău Cronica Cercetărilor Arheologice din România Communicationes Archaeologicae Hungariae, Budapest Crisia, Muzeul Ţării Crișurilor, Oradea Current Anthropology Dacia, Recherches et décuvertes archéologiques en Roumanie, I–XII (1924–1948), Bucureşti; Nouvelle série (N. S.), Dacia. Revue d’archéologie et d’histoire anciene, Bucureşti Dissertationes Pannonicae, ex Instituto Numismatico et Archaeologico Universitatis de Petro Pázmány nominatae Budapestinensis provenientes, Budapest Dissertationes et Monographiae Beograd Études Celtiques, Paris European Journal of Archaeology Ephemeris Napocensis, Cluj–Napoca Folia Archaeologica Balkanica, Skopje Fontes Archaeologiae Moravicae, Brno Fontes Archaeologiae Slovakiae, Bratislava Forschungen und Berichte zur Vor- und Frühgeschichte in Baden-Württemberg Folia Archeologica, a Magyar Nemzeti Múzeum Évkönyve, Budapest Fundberichte aus Österreich, Wien Godišnjak Centra za Balkanološka Ispitivanja Akademije Nauka i Umjetnosti, Bosne i Hercegovine, Sarajevo Germania, Frankfurt am Main Glasnik Zemaljskog Muzeja Bosne i Hercegovine u Sarajevu A Herman Ottó Múzeum Évkönyve, Miskolc Internationale Archäologie, Buch am Erlbach, Espelkamp, Rahden/Westf. Instrumentum, Bulletin du Groupe de travail européen sur l’artisanat et les productions manufacturées dans l’Antiquité Inventaria Praehistorica Hungariae, Budapest Istros, Buletinul Muzeului Brăilei, Brăila Journal of Anthropological Archaeology, Amsterdam Jahrbuch für Kleinasiatische Forschung Jahrbuch des Römisch-Germanischen Zentralmuseums Mainz Jahresschrit für Mitteldeutsche Vorgeschichte, Deutscher Verlag der Wissenschaten for the Landesmuseum für Vorgeschichte (Halle), Berlin Jahrbuch des Oberösterreichischen Musealvereines, Linz Journal of Archaeological Method and heory Journal of Archaeological Science, London Journal of Near Eastern Studies Komárom-Esztergom Megyei Múzeumok Közleményei Abbreviations | 327 KTÈMA Marisia MatANH MatArch MatBV MatStar MFMÉ MHB MIA MittAGW MittAIUAW MittÖAUF MittÖNG MittPK MittRLW MΩMOΣ MSVF MVFBW NAFN OJA OpArch OZ Ősrégészeti levelek PamArch PAS Peuce PPS Prilozi IAZ PrzArch RACF RadMV RégFüz RGZM RVM Sargetia Savaria SCIV(A) SHN SlovArch SMK SNMP SprArch SSA SSUUB Starinar StCom Satu Mare KTÈMA, Civilisations de l’Orient, de la Grèce et de Rome Antiques, Université de Strasbourg Marisia (V–), Studii şi Materiale, Târgu Mureş Materiały Archeologiczne Nowej Huty Materiały Archeologiczne, Kraków Materialien zur Bayerischen Vorgeschichte Materiały Starożytne (i Wczesnośredniowieczne) A Móra Ferenc Múzeum Évkönyve, Szeged Monumenta Historica Budapestiensia, Budapest Monographiae Instituti Archaeologici, Zagreb Mitteilungen der Anthropologischen Gesellschat Wien Mitteilungen des Archäologischen Instituts der Ungarisches Akademie der Wissenschaten, Budapest Mitteilungen der Österreichischen Arbeitsgemeinschat für Ur- und Frühgeschichte Mitteilungen der Österreichischen Numismatischen Gesellschat Mitteilungen der Prähistorischen Kommision, Vienna Mitteilungsblatt aus der Vorzeit in Rheinland, Lippe und Westfalen MΩMOΣ, Őskoros Kutatók Összejövetelének konferenciakötete Marbuger Studien zur Vor- und Frühgeschichte, Marburg Materialhete zur Vor- und Frühgeschichte in Baden-Württemberg, Stuttgart Neue Ausgrabungen und Forschungen in Niedersachsen Oxford Journal of Archaeology Opuscula Archaeologica, Arheološki zavod, Filozofski fakultet u Zagrebu Osječki Zbornik, Osijek Ősrégészeti levelek / Prehistoric newsletter, Budapest Památky Archeologické, Praha Prähistorische Archäologie in Südosteuropa, Berlin, Kiel, München Peuce, Studii și cercetări de istorie și arheologie, Institutul de Cercetari EcoMuzeale Tulcea, Institutul de Istorie si Arheologie, Tulcea Proceedings of the Prehistoric Society, London Prilozi Instituta za arheologiju iz Zagreba Przegląd Archeologiczny, Instytut Archeologii i Etnologii Polskiej Akademii Nauk Revue archéologique du Centre de la France, Tours Rad Muzeja Vojvodine Régészeti Füzetek, Budapest Römisch-Germanisches Zentralmuseum, Monographien, Bonn / Mainz Rad vojvođanskih muzeja Sargeţia, Buletinul Muzeului judeţului Hunedoara, Acta Musei Devensis, Deva Savaria, a Vas Megyei Múzeumok Értesítője, Szombathely Studii şi Cercetări de Istorie Veche (şi Arheologie 1974–), Bucureşti Studia Historica Nitriensia Slovenská Archeológia, Nitra Somogyi Múzeumok Közleményei, Kaposvár Sborník Národního muzea v Praze, řada A – Historie / Acta Musei Nationalis Pragae, Series A – Historia, Praha Sprawozdania Archeologiczne, Kraków Śląskie Sprawozdania Archeologiczne, Instytut Archeologii Uniwersytetu Wrocławskiego Schriten des Seminars für Urgeschichte der Universität Bern Starinar, Arheološki institut, Beograd Studii şi Comunicări Satu Mare 328 | Abbreviations StudiaAA StudiaArch Studia Hercynia Studia UBB Študijné zvesti TAT hraco-Dacica TübSchr UPA VAMZ VHAD WA WAB WArch WissSchrN WMBH WN WPZ Zbornik Beograd Zbornik NB Zborník SNM ZM Studia Antiqua et Archaeologica, Iaşi Studia Archeologiczne Studia Hercynia, Praha Studia Universitatis Babeş–Bolyai, series Historia, Cluj-Napoca Študijné zvesti, Archeologického Ústavu Slovenskej Akadémie Vied, Nitra Tübinger Archäologische Taschenbücher hraco-Dacica, Institutul de Tracologie, Bucureşti Tübinger Schriten zur Ur- und Frühgeschichtlichen Archäologie, Münster Universitätsforschungen zur prähistorischen Archäologie, Bonn Vjesnik Arheološkog muzeja u Zagrebu Vjesnik Hrvatskog arheološkog društva, Zagreb Wiadomości Archeologiczne, Państwowe Muzeum Archeologiczne, Warsaw Wissenschatliche Arbeiten aus Burgenland World Archaeology, Oxford, Oxbow Wissenschatliche Schritenreihe Niederösterreich Wissenschatliche Mitteilungen aus Bosnien und der Herzegowina, Wien Wiadomości Numizmatyczne Wiener Prähistorische Zeitschrit, Wien Zbornik Muzeja primenjene umetnosti Beograd Zbornik narodnog muzeja, Beograd Zborník Slovenského Národného Múzea, Bratislava Zalai Múzeum, Közlemények Zala megye múzeumaiból

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Aurel RUSTOIU – Sándor BERECKI, Celtic Elites and Craftsmen: Mobility and Technological Transfer during the Late Iron Age in the Eastern and South-Eastern Carpathian Basin. IN: S. Berecki (ed.), Iron Age Crafts and Craftsmen in the Carpathian Basin, Tg. Mureş 2014, p. 249-278.

Aurel RUSTOIU – Sándor BERECKI, Celtic Elites and Craftsmen: Mobility and Technological Transfer during the Late Iron Age in the Eastern and South-Eastern Carpathian Basin. IN: S. Berecki (ed.), Iron Age Crafts and Craftsmen in the Carpathian Basin, Tg. Mureş 2014, p. 249-278.

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